Aldira’s origins trace back to late 1968, when it was informally established in the mountains of central Manchuria as a cult organization founded by exiled Soviet and Chinese generals who sought to unify religion with the military, creating a metaphysical authority intended to impose order upon anarchy under the name the Provisional People’s Council of Aldira (PPCA). Because the post-apocalyptic era was marked by chaos, war, and misery, and because the collapse eroded trust in previous regimes and ideologies, Aldira can be understood as a product of civilizational trauma. During the first months of 1969, the writing of the Holy Black Book began through the exchange of ideas among an intellectual elite who exploited the global collapse as a source of legitimacy for extremist doctrines.
During the same period, PPCA militias traveled from town to town and from city to city among the ruins under black banners, spreading their teachings and gathering followers who were weary of uncertainty and instability. In this way, they earned the faith of the people of this impoverished region, which lay outside the rule of any state. This sociocultural transformation—lasting many months and coming to influence nearly the entire native population—is also referred to as the “Shadow’s March” by the people.
The organization’s official founding took place in February 1970, during a grand ceremony that marked its transformation into the People’s Supreme Order of Aldira. This was accompanied by the completion and dissemination of the Holy Black Book on the same day, in which the Order fully articulated its doctrines across nearly all fields—Aldira’s intellectual masterpiece, whose composition had begun in the year of its inception—thereby making it the Order’s de facto constitution. Previously, the adopted flag was a simple black banner, but with the formal establishment of the Order, this black flag was augmented by the addition of a white circle containing a dark red, triangle-like shape. The elite also institutionally declared themselves the “Sublime Council” and began governing Aldira with an iron fist, a rule that would last for more than two decades.
In the founding years, the number of soldiers increased significantly compared with the other states and statelets in the region, thanks to volunteers who—drawn like a magnet to the perceived uniqueness of its revolutionary doctrine and hoping for a new regime that would offer better conditions—joined the Aldiran army; this, in turn, facilitated territorial expansion. In the absence of other powerful political organizations, the Order grew rapidly from the outset, uniting previously scattered survivor communities under a single banner. Soon after its founding, the entirety of Manchuria fell under its control, having already been prepared in advance for future seizure. Consequently, Aldira—initially a landlocked entity—gained access to the sea.
In mid to late 1970, the foundations of the Aldiran navy were laid, with ships primarily selected from abandoned Chinese ports and brought into service through revision and repair. In its early years, the navy’s primary function was piracy in the Yellow Sea and the East China Sea, operating under the black banner. During this period, it carried out actions such as seizing enemy ships to increase its naval strength, plundering foreign ports to fill the Order’s treasury, and even engaging in sea battles with fleets of unknown origin. This was not unusual, as piracy had already reached a global peak amid widespread anarchy. One year later, contact was established with a pirate republic located on Okinawa Island, and a short-lived, unofficial alliance was formed, allowing both sides to engage in piracy together in the region while remaining mutually loyal. However, the territory, lost months earlier, was eventually reconquered by Japan.
In June 1972, the Order conquered the Amur region and the area surrounding Vladivostok. Vladivostok, which had been transformed into a kind of city-state by a surviving community, proved too weak to resist Aldira. After its capture, the political formation was dismantled, the city was renamed Ordostok—meaning “Order of the East”—and declared the new capital. In the same year, The Eternal Order, a hymn written by the Sublime Council, was accepted as the official anthem and began to be recited frequently in daily life. Its tone, rather than being cheerful like those anthems that glorify blood and nation, was choral in a way that drew attention to a cosmic vision, making it closer to a prayer than to a conventional march.
In 1973, the Aldiran leadership, having recently consolidated control over the Manchurian and Amur regions, grew increasingly concerned about the ideological and political influence China continued to project across its northern frontier. Believing that increased ethnic and factional instability within China would reduce the likelihood of Chinese intervention against their newly established and vulnerable regime, Aldira trained a small covert team and infiltrated them across the border using forged identities tied to Chinese railway workers and laborers moving between northern provinces. Over several hours the operatives quietly traveled south, blending into ordinary civilian life and avoiding significant attention from security services. Their objective was not a dramatic public attack, but to wait for an opportunity when the Chairman of the Chinese Communist Party, Mao Zedong, would appear briefly at a political event where he could be targeted.
Such an opportunity arose during a regional CCP conference held in Beijing, where Mao was scheduled to give a short address before departing the compound. Instead of attempting to enter the secured meeting itself, the Aldiran cell positioned two members along a street outside the complex where Mao’s motorcade was expected to pass after the event. Disguised as municipal maintenance workers repairing electrical lines near the road, they waited among ordinary pedestrians and service vehicles. As Mao’s convoy slowed briefly near a controlled intersection, one operative stepped forward and fired several shots with a concealed pistol toward the rear vehicle that was carrying Mao, but the shots missed their target.
Security guards reacted instantly and opened fire, killing the first attacker within seconds. In the confusion, the second operative fired from the opposite side of the street and managed to strike Mao through the vehicle window, fatally wounding him with a shot to the temple. When security forces moved to capture him, he shot himself in the head to avoid interrogation. Within hours, the surrounding district was sealed and a massive internal investigation began, with Chinese authorities initially suspecting factional rivals within the Communist Party or foreign intelligence services. Aldira’s involvement remained unknown, as all members of the assassination team were dead. Mao’s sudden death deepened uncertainty within China’s already tense political leadership and forced the government to focus more heavily on internal stability rather than projecting its revolutionary influence abroad.
Following these developments, in 1974 the Order invaded the Far Eastern state founded by Soviet separatists years earlier. Aldiran forces then advanced along the coastline to the Gulf of Anadyr, linking the region to Aldira. Thus, the entire Far East came under Aldiran control, and with the acquiring of new ports and trade routes, internal trade bloomed. The following year, war was waged against the Korean state.
The Korean state was established after South Korea, already structurally fragile, entered a phase of accelerated political, economic, and military decline after 1968, falling decisively behind the North in both military capability and political coherence. Exploiting this asymmetry, North Korea launched a direct offensive against the South, annexing it and transforming the entire peninsula into a single polity under Kim Il-sung’s Democratic People’s Republic, now claiming to represent all Koreans.
Kim Il-sung was a dictator who cultivated a quasi-religious personality cult and explicitly desired the population to participate in his deification. His regime was widely regarded as one of the most totalitarian systems of its era, characterized by ideological rigidity, surveillance, and absolute political centralization.
When Aldira initiated its invasion from the north, the armed forces of Democratic Korea attempted to resist. However, their equipment was outdated and inadequate, and Aldiran forces possessed not only superior logistics and doctrine but also higher ideological cohesion and morale. This asymmetry allowed Aldiran troops to advance as far as Pyongyang, where Kim Il-sung formally surrendered.
Following his capture, Kim was brought before the Sublime Council. He was offered the position of Governor of the Korean Province on the condition that he renounce orthodox communist doctrine and formally declare ideological loyalty to Aldiran Thought. Kim accepted. Over time, he underwent a genuine ideological transformation, discarding the residual influence of Maoism and Stalinism and becoming a committed defender of Aldira’s ideological framework. As a result, the former loud and theatrical personality cult was replaced by a colder, more restrained form of authoritarian seriousness within Korea. He thus became the Governor of Korea and remained in this position until his death in July 1994 during the War of Peace. The Korean population’s prior habituation to totalitarian structures made the process of Aldiranization comparatively efficient. Consequently, Aldira established stable control over the Korean Peninsula.
In 1975, Aldira conquered the regions surrounding Lake Baikal and advanced as far as the borders of Tuva. This westernmost point held strategic importance for Aldira, as it was situated at the very center of the region—neighboring China to the south, Kazakhstan to the southwest, the Siberian Commune to the northwest, and the Turkic tribes to the northeast. This resulted in the construction of a defensive fortress and minefield line, accompanied by a massive garrison in the area, known as the “Western Edge.”
The year 1977 marked the beginning of a calmer phase following seven years of aggressive expansion, with systematic maritime piracy coming to an end that same year. This rapid territorial expansion within a short timeframe created significant logistical difficulties, particularly as the infrastructure was already devastated; nevertheless, these challenges were endured and tolerated for strategic reasons. Aldira believed that if it did not quickly bring the region under its control, stronger powers would soon seize it instead. Therefore, by conquering the fragmented authorities and absorbing them, it became the primary power in the region and assumed the role of defending it against external invasions. In addition, not everyone recognized the authority of the Order. When Aldira conquered new lands in a limited time, it somewhat delayed the indoctrination process, prioritizing territorial expansion instead, which led to a prolonged period of dissatisfaction lasting years and generally stagnant economic conditions. Guerrilla formations were even established to drive Aldira out of the region, and by terrorizing the rural population in particular, these violent actions continued at varying scales, remaining in constant conflict with Aldira’s anti-guerrilla units until the fall of the Order in 1994.
In 1978, an Arctic expedition was launched. During the mission, a severe snowstorm damaged the fleet, forcing it toward the Soviet coast, where it raided a port but was then captured by the Soviets. Aldira agreed to share certain scientific data with the USSR in exchange for the lives of the crew and issued a formal apology—the only clear apology given to another entity in Aldira’s history. The findings obtained from the expedition became the foundation for scientific progress in the study of snow, ice, cold, and winter phenomena.
In 1979, the Vietnam War concluded in a decisive victory for communist forces. In the aftermath, a region-wide referendum was organized across the Indochinese subcontinent, asking the population to endorse the creation of a unified political entity. Despite the lingering devastation of decades of conflict, the referendum produced a clear majority in favor of political unification. However, the Western powers that still maintained influence in the region—France in particular—refused to recognize the outcome. Paris publicly denounced the referendum as manipulated and conducted under coercive conditions. On this basis, France justified the continued stationing of its expeditionary forces on Indochinese territory, ostensibly to protect civilians and maintain order. In practice, these forces increasingly functioned as a destabilizing presence, engaging in intimidation campaigns, security sweeps, and sporadic skirmishes that perpetuated fear among local populations.
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As the situation deteriorated and local governance structures failed to assert coherent authority, the French government authorized a reinforcement of its military presence. Additional mechanized infantry, armored units, and naval assets were dispatched and departed toward Indochina with the declared objective of restoring stability. At this juncture, Aldiran naval assets operating in the Western Pacific intervened in an entirely extrajudicial manner. Aldira had no ideological sympathy for socialist Vietnam and regarded the emergent Indochinese union with irrelevance, if not suspicion. Yet the removal of Western influence and colonialism from Asia was considered an axiomatic objective and thus desirable as an indirect support for decolonization and anti-imperialist movements. After receiving formal authorization from the Aldiran naval command, a handful of Aldiran submarines in the region engaged the French task force. In a coordinated attack, they launched torpedoes against six French transport and escort vessels carrying several hundred troops. Two ships sank completely; the other four sustained critical damage and were forced to withdraw for extensive repairs. Although most personnel survived and were rescued by accompanying vessels, the material loss and psychological shock were considerable.
The Aldiran submarines were never detected. Their stealth systems, combined with the chaotic maritime environment and limited French anti-submarine capabilities in the region, ensured that no definitive attribution could be made. Fragments of Western intelligence reporting had previously noted Aldiran naval activity in the Western Pacific, and this alone contributed to emerging suspicions. Several Western governments publicly accused Aldira of orchestrating the attack, citing circumstantial intelligence assessments and patterns of previous Aldiran covert interventions. Aldira neither confirmed nor denied these accusations, as it was boycotting diplomacy and instead remained publicly indifferent. After the attack—which was not decisive but still helpful to socialist authorities—Indochina ultimately emerged as a single political structure following the withdrawal of French forces after months of conflict and clashes.
In September 1979, the Austrian neurologist Arnold sought refuge in Aldira. After undergoing ideological reshaping, he initiated a biological weapons project that would later form the foundation of the New World.
In February 1980, Aldira held the first and only international event in its history to commemorate its tenth anniversary, drawing numerous religious leaders from the outside world. In the aftermath, Christian institutions formally denounced and condemned Aldira’s theology.
In the spring of 1982, the Aldiran Navy—seeking to humiliate the Australian government, which has been a vocal critic of the Aldiran regime—bombarded the northern ports of Australia. The fleet had been formally declared to the outside world as bound for Antarctica for scientific experiments, a claim later revealed to be false and intended to avoid detection. The attack caused limited physical damage but carried immense symbolic weight: on an arbitrary date and without warning, Aldira demonstrated its ability to strike a land thousands of kilometers away. The Australian government condemned the action as a violation of maritime borders and an act of unlawful aggression, bringing the matter before the World Council—of which the Order was one of the few non-members. Aldira subsequently faced widespread international condemnation. In retaliation, a joint operation by four nations—Britain, the Federated States, New Zealand, and Australia—launched a naval campaign to capture Aldiran vessels.
However, the Indonesian government discreetly assisted Aldira by permitting its naval vessels to take temporary refuge in Indonesian ports. At the time, Indonesia was governed by a nationalist-military regime that, following the collapse of Suharto’s pro-Western alignment, had adopted a broadly anti-Western and non-aligned posture, viewing Aldira as a useful counterweight to Western influence in the Asia–Pacific region. To avoid breaching Indonesia’s declared neutrality—and to prevent Jakarta from being pushed into an overt alignment with Ordostok—the coalition suspended direct naval operations in the region. Instead, it adjusted its strategy, scaling back maritime engagement and initiating a sustained aerial campaign against the Order.Aldiran cities were bombarded for a week, yet the operation failed to achieve its intended objectives. Critical targets largely remained intact, both due to unexpectedly poor weather and to extensive resources allocated to complex bunker systems designed to minimize damage from air raids. The campaign ultimately caused more harm than benefit to its perpetrators, resulting in the loss or capture of skilled pilots and valuable aircraft, many of which were later seized and incorporated into the inventory of the Aldiran Air Forces. The failure to achieve the desired results pushed the Federated States to develop new types of aircraft incorporating advanced technologies, aimed at becoming more effective against what they termed “bunker societies.” Thus began a new program—one not focused on producing bombs capable of penetrating underground bunkers, but on surprising the Aldirans and destroying civilians and key surface-accessible resources before they could be evacuated below ground. Since moving large or immobile supplies underground was impractical and risky, only certain items were relocated, leaving the rest exposed and highly vulnerable—a vulnerability that gave the program its initial promise.
In 1983, following a maritime boundary crisis in the East Sea, Japan severed all diplomatic relations with Aldira. Within the same week, Aldiran troops landed on the northern island of Hokkaido through Sakhalin and seized control. Later, the two navies clashed in the open waters of the La Pérouse Strait; after a grueling battle, Aldira’s fleet retreated without a decisive defeat. However, Hokkaido remained under Aldiran occupation—like a constant reminder breathing at Japan’s neck. This conquest marked the final territorial expansion of the Order. From that point onward, apart from brief incursions, its borders remained unchanged. During the 1980s, Aldira became more insurgent and disruptive than expansionist.
In 1984, the ultranationalist regime led by the Khagan, which had come to dominate Central Asia, emerged as a direct threat to Aldira and launched an assault on the Order’s western territories. During the ensuing bloody war, a Soviet-led anti-fascist coalition was formed, placing the Turkic Empire under pressure from all directions. Soon afterward, the Aldirans achieved victory, and the Khagan’s imperial government collapsed. However, the damage inflicted on farmlands, mines, and towns by Turkic forces caused economic hardship, prompting the initiation of Operation Null, a covert program designed to funnel financial resources into Aldira through espionage networks in Europe while simultaneously undermining the political and economic stability of enemy governments.
In 1986, Aldira conducted a raid on the Andean Empire in South America, abducted several imprisoned high-profile scientists, brought them to Ordostok, subjected them to indoctrination, and compelled them to work on the Nova Project.
In late 1987, a group of citizens from the Federated States traveled to Aldira to witness the arrival of the new year. One member of the group, confronted with the reality of the regime he had previously admired, staged a protest by burning the Aldiran flag in a public square. The act was deemed a grave offense: he was executed on the spot, and his companions were sentenced to forced labor in the Norik camps. In response, the Federated States dispatched a diplomatic delegation to Aldira. Two members of the delegation were subsequently executed. The Federated States retaliated by carrying out airstrikes against Aldiran targets.
In November 1989, Iliya, a fifteen-year-old girl living in Ordostok, was murdered alongside Nadya by dissidents seeking revenge. During the subsequent investigation, the authorities discovered Iliya’s diary, which transformed her into a posthumous symbol of quiet defiance and inward loyalty. The regime later used her writings to confine its opponents within rigid ideological frameworks and to personify the ideal child—serene, introspective, and resolute—turning her memory into a national myth that further sanctified Aldira’s metaphysical and political image. After selected passages were “corrected” to erode the psychological foundations of opposition groups within the Order, Iliya’s diary was released to the public, and the Aldirans came to regard her as a heroine, despite the fact that she had no such allegiance to the regime’s ideology.
In May 1990, a prisoner-led rebellion erupted at a Norik camp near Vilyurik (Vilyuchinsk), several kilometers from the port city formerly known as Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky, on the Kamchatka Peninsula. The revolt did not begin with slogans or weapons, but with exhaustion that had nowhere to go: years of isolation, repetitive labor, hunger, and enforced silence produced a quiet yet absolute, weary yet shining rage among prisoners. Primarily, boredom with the mediocrity of their lives became intolerable after years of hard labor, as they felt they had exhausted their emotional reserves merely to endure this torture.
When internal dissent led to secret coordination and this movement reached a critical point, inmates overwhelmed guards and secured the camp and nearby port facilities. For days, the camp functioned as a self-organized enclave, marked by the noise of argument, laughter, and shouted plans unfamiliar elsewhere in the Order. They wanted, for a moment, to set aside and forget their dull lives entirely—to dance, to revel, to sing together. Gradually, this escalated into a form of collective hysteria, becoming one of the clearest manifestations of the Dionysian impulse: joy and excess dissolving individual restraint.
Using the telegraph and radio equipment in the camp, the prisoners sent initially hopeful messages outward to Western allies. Replies soon arrived from nearby Japan and the Federated States, promising maritime assistance and evacuation by ship. These plans were delayed due to Aldiran naval activity in the region, which made surface access too dangerous until the threat could be neutralized. Instead, a reduced and risk-limited alternative was adopted: high-altitude aircraft conducted sporadic supply drops of food and light weapons, released from extreme heights to avoid interception. Yet many drops were lost to weather or fell beyond the encirclement.
As Aldiran forces eventually sealed the perimeter, the cold reality returned, and the rebellion hardened into a form of siege warfare. Hunger returned, this time sharpened by the memory of brief freedom; illness spread; ammunition dwindled. After several weeks, with no prospect of relief and communications severed, most prisoners in the camp committed collective suicide to avoid capture, while the remaining survivors were executed by Aldirans as they retook control of the camp. This event was unique in Aldira’s history precisely because it was the only well-known act of dissidence in which humanity expressed itself without worry against a silencing regime.
Later, this inscription was found carved into a wall: "Laughing is not bourgeois!" This slogan was largely ironic and intended as a joke, and it was deliberately chosen precisely because it contradicted the solemn and sacred Aldiran doctrine. This phrase later came to be seen as the slogan of the event and evolved into one of the main mottos among opposition groups. Written or drawn on street walls, on newspaper pages, and in various other places across many parts of Aldira, this motto functioned as a form of nonviolent civil satire among the disillusioned population.
In 1991, the “Triangle Incident” occurred. This event exposed Operation Null, which indirectly supplied certain anarchist groups in Western and Central Europe that had embraced political violence. Once the knowledge became public, France and the German Confederation announced the closure of all borders with Aldira and the termination of trade relations.
Orelya, a Soviet cosmonaut launched in 1990, survived a fatal accident aboard a space station that killed her entire crew and lived in isolation for years. In March 1994, she reemerged with the March Letters, writings that sharply criticized authority and conformity. Her work gained particular interest in Aldira, where she became the focal point of an unwanted symbol of civilizational transformation.
In December 1993, the Nova Project was completed, and the world became a central arena of conflict between the New Humanity created by this biological weapon and the Old Humanity that continued to cling to old values.
In April 1994, Aldira found itself officially at war with much of the world—virtually the entire Western sphere. The international anti-Aldiran coalition occupied Korea and other territories, advancing all the way to the capital. During this period, the regime effectively decapitated itself and was formally abolished by the coalition.
